Wednesday, March 26, 2025

Monastic breviary reprint and Nocturnale...

There is some exciting news for all users of the Monastic Office - the Monastic Breviary of 1963 will soon be available once again!

Breviary edition

The 1963 breviary (or indeed any version of the monastic breviary) is currently extremely difficult - indeed nigh on impossible - to obtain, so having a new edition available will make the texts for Matins (particularly the readings and responsories) in particular far more accessible.

The new edition is being published by the Monastery of St Benedict's (Brignoles) Editions Pax inter Spinas, and copies can be pre-ordered now for a nice discount, with release scheduled for the feast of St Benedict on July 11 (see the details below).Monastic Nocturnale project

Even more excitingly, as I've previously mentioned, the monastery is also working on producing a Monastic Nocturnale equivalent to the Antiphonale Monasticum, containing all of the necessary chants for Matins.

This is a huge step forward as currently the only versions of the monastic Matins psalter either don't contain any or all of the necessary chants; or, in the case of the draft developed many years ago by Peter Sandhofe, are riddled with inconsistencies and errors.

The Nocturnale will have three volumes, with the first, the Psalter currently out in a trial version for comment and proofreading.  

It contains the hymns, psalms, antiphons, short responsories and other texts necessary for the daily ferial Office throughout the year (with major seasonal variants) in one conveniently sized, easy to hold book. It is expected to be publicly available in the Northern Spring.

The sanctorale and temporale volumes will follow thereafter.



Wednesday, March 12, 2025

Feast of St Gregory the Great

Ms.315, tome II, f.1 verso,
Bibliothèque municipale de Douai

 

Today is the feast of St Gregory the Great, easily the most important of Benedictine saints by virtue of his Life of St Benedict in book II of his Dialogues.

The Dialogues have long been a bête noir for those within the Order and outside it who reject the very idea of miracles, and hate what they deem Benedictine 'triumphalism', or acknowledgment of the importance that the Benedictine charism has played down the centuries.

Vast tomes have been produced trying to variously explain away the miraculous aspects of St Gregory's work, and to argue that the entire work was a fake.

Thankfully, these efforts have been completely demolished, but there still lingers a reluctance amongst some to acknowledge the importance of St Gregory's work for the Benedictine charism.

Was St Gregory a Benedictine?

One of the sillier lines of argument, in my view, denies that St Gregory was a Benedictine at all.

Some of the arguments for this proposition are purely legalistic, hanging off the definition of the 'Benedictine Order'. Others have pointed to the fact that St Gregory did not, as Pope, attempt to impose the Rule on monks following other legitimate monastic charisms.

Another argument goes to his understanding of the Rule as set out in the Life of St Benedict, with claims that some of the stories don't always seem to reflect in full its provisions.  Most of these clearly miss the point of the stories involved (my favourite example of this being those who claimed St Scholastica clearly wasn't really a nun given her argument with her brother over extending her visit), or misunderstand how Rules were interpreted in late antiquity (hint: not as Anglo-Saxon style black letter statute law).

But in my view the Life is itself the key testimony to St Gregory's status as a follower of St Benedict: lives of monastic saints in late antiquity were almost invariably written by their followers in order to help perpetuate their particular charism, and this seems to be no exception.  Indeed, one modern study has made a compelling case to interpret the first three books as a triptych, with Books I and III framing the Life by helping to explain and promote certain aspects of  both St Benedict's life and his particular approach to monasticism.

Generic monasticism

Part of the problem, I think, is that until very recently, researchers have not understood it in the context of some of the debates over aspects of monastic practice and theology in late antiquity.

One of the great myths perpetrated by twentieth century monastics, was I think, the idea of a generic monasticism; that rather than reflecting a particular charism, the Rule of St Benedict was simply a particularly compelling distillation of the monastic tradition.

RB 1980, for example, claimed that “the life actually lived in Western monasteries from the end of the fourth century up to the sixth seems to have been basically the same” (pg 85).

In fairness, this was certainly the view of the Rule promoted by later reformers such as St Wilfrid in England, and St Benedict of Aniane for the Carolingians.

The actual reality though, as recent research has highlighted, is very different.

Monastic diversity

There were actually huge variations in practices in late antiquity, with vigorous debates occurring on the respective merits of things like how much time was spent on the Office (ranging the liturgical minimalism of Cassian's Egyptian hermit's, who gathered only for Sunday Vespers and Matins, to monasteries maintaining a perpetual liturgy); attitudes to manual labour; on whether or not to provide hospitality, and much more.

And although monks in late antiquity certainly read a common body of texts, such as the Lives of the Desert Fathers, the works of Cassian and others, they read them through the lens of their own particular charisms, and thus interpreted them in different ways.

In this light, St Gregory's Life of St Benedict can best be interpreted both as a defense of a particular type of monasticism, and a guide on how the life was lived in practice.  Indeed, at least one early opponent of the Benedictine spirituality, Jonas of Bobbio (a promoter of Columbanian monasticism), had clearly read and directly engaged with it.

The Life's wide popularity was a huge factor in promoting the spread of the Rule, and thus cementing St Benedict's rightful title as the Father of Western monasticism.

St Gregory

St Gregory's importance though, goes beyond the Life, and includes his other writings; his actions as Pope, not least in sending the mission to Anglo-Saxon England; his contributions to the liturgy; and his own saintly life and example.

St Gregory, pray for us.

Monday, March 3, 2025

Getting ready for Lent....

Just a quick reminder that this week marks the start of Lent, so it is time to start preparing if you haven't already!

The Office from Ash Wednesday to the Saturday before the first Sunday of Lent

Although Lent starts on Ash Wednesday, this period was something of a later add-on to Lent to make up the correct number of days (given that Sundays are not counted for fasting and other purposes).

The Office continues to be said as during the season of Septuagesima, with the following modifications: 

  • there are Patristic readings at Matins;
  •  there are canticle antiphons for Lauds and Vespers each day of the week; and
  • two collects are provided for each day, the first used from Matins to None (omitting Prime), the second at Vespers only.

Under the 1960 rubrics, Class III feasts are reduced to a commemoration at Lauds only.  However, permission has since been given to say them as Class III feasts on an optional basis, and so the notes below generally provide the Class III option as the default. 

The Rule on the observance of Lent

This is also a good time, I think, to reread Chapter 49 of the Rule of St Benedict, on the observance of Lent (take a look also at chapters 41 and 48).

I've also written a couple of posts drawing out its application which you can find here:

Praying the Psalms in Lent

If you are looking for something extra by way of prayer for Lent, I plan to provide a series of notes on the psalms over at Psallam Domino blog, focusing mainly on Psalms 141 and 147.

You could also look at some of my past Lent series on:

The earliest layer of responsories?

GKS 3443 8°: Ordines Romani, XIIIa
https://permalink.kb.dk/permalink/2006/manus/101/eng/

In my last post in this series on the Matins responsories, I looked at the evidence around the earliest Roman reading pattern for Matins, captured in Ordos XIV and XVI, and I noted  that the latter Ordo contains what is probably the first explicit surviving reference to the psalm based responsories (regardless of whether it dates from the seventh or the late eight centuries!).

And since Ordo XVI, regardless of its date, does represent a plausible way of integrating Ordo XIV's 'calendric' listing of the books to be read at Matins, it is potentially helpful to us in exploring some of the key questions around the history of the psalm based, or 'de psalmiis' responsories.

In particular, perhaps the most important question is whether the 'ferial' responsories, or 'historia' sets associated with particular books of the Bible developed in the context of the reading cycle in Ordo XIV, or only the psalm based responsories were used in this period; or whether they developed around the later reading cycle that replaced that of Ordo XIV (I will come back to the question of the date of the later reading cycle, but for the moment it is worth noting that it seems to have emerged in the early to mid eighth century).

How old are the history responsories?

One of the most important plank of the case for the use of the de psalmiis responsories as a ferial set, ferial responsories is the claim that the psalm based responsories represent the oldest layer of responsories in the Office, and there were not a sufficient number of 'history' (and festal) responsories to support the Benedictine Office until very late indeed.

The first statement of this claim, I think, can be found in René-Jean Hesbert's pioneering compilation of  responsories from twelve of the earliest antiphoners, Corpus Antiphonalium Officii (1963-1979).  But variants of it have been repeated many times since, not least in James McKinnon's The Advent Project, Robertson's The service-books of the Royal Abbey of Saint-Denis and Jesse Billett's The Divine Office in Anglo-Saxon England.

In this post I want to look at some of the evidence for different chronological layers in the responsories, with the help of Ordo XVI.

Understanding Ordo XVI

Ordo XVI, though, it has to be said, is a somewhat cryptic document that is not easy to interpret - if it does indeed date from the late seventh century, it reads as if it is perhaps an attempt after the fact to capture the various quite diverse topics touched on at John the Archcantor's Anglo-Saxon chant workshops, rather than as lecture notes or instructions per se.

All the same, since it is our earliest piece of evidence on their use, it is important to interrogate the document, not least since regardless of its credentials, it 

Ordo XVI's most important provisions, from the point of view of the history of the use of the de psalmiis responsories, relate to the reading cycle after Epiphany, and its reference to the de psalmiis responsories.

On the de psalmiis responsories, you will recall, it says:

Reliquo tempore in anni circoli praeter quod memoravimus ipsis psalmis responsuria nende [The rest of the time during the year, except for those that we have mentioned, the psalm responsories are used.]

In my last post I mentioned that the most likely interpretation of this is that it is referring to feasts without their own responsories.  

There are other possible interpretations though, so today I want to focus on where, other than on feasts, the psalm responsories could have been used.

The Advent Project?

I've previously noted that Ordo XIV, the earliest Roman reading cycle, simply lists the books to be read.  Ordo XVI seems to make it explicit that there are responsory sets associated with each of these sets of readings.  

In its first paragraph, it refers to responsories associated with Isaiah (read from the start of December in Ordos XIV and XVI), consistent with the approach to Advent in the other early Roman books in the lead up to Christmas, and responsories for them.  

It says the same thing for Jeremiah and Daniel, which then follow.

The subsequent references to the ferial cycle don't explicitly mention responsories associated with them, but it is reasonable to assume it is implied.

That said, the alternative possibility that it means exactly what it says, and the responsories for Advent and Epiphanytide referred to in Ordo XVI reflect their seasonal status rather than the books being read, and the de psalmiis responsories were used the rest of the time.

One of the key assumptions around the history of the Office responsories, after all, has long been that there probably wasn't much - if any - continuity between the responsory sets used by St Benedict, and those that emerged in the course of the seventh century or early eighth keyed to what is more or less the modern reading cycle.

We've already looked at some evidence that casts doubts on this theory from the fifth to sixth centuries, in the form of the early establishment of sets of festal responsories; the establishment of Office homiliary sets for feasts that align with this; references to an established 'canonical' set of responsories; and early specific references to a Kings responsory.

 How old are the de psalmiis responsories: psalms vs Kings

When it comes to the ferial cycle though, the evidence for different chronological layers in the responsory cycle takes a little more digging.

I've previously noted that there doesn't seem to be any musicological basis to the claim that the de psalmiis responsories are older than the rest of the 'historia' sets that have come down to us: a study by Brad Maiani found that it was impossible to differentiate musically between the de psalmiis responsories and the Kings/Chronicles responsories in terms of the structures and melody components, and the way they were used.

One claim, for example, is that the de psalmiis set are significantly shorter than the other responsories, reflecting their origin as psalm refrains.  Maiani, however, has suggested that this is largely driven by the text: the Kings prose is more verbose than the poetry of the psalms.  

Even so, the differences in length are not great: there is really only extremely short psalm responsory in the set, noted in my previous post.  

The table below provides a very crude measure of this: it compares the number of lines the transcriptions of the respond sections take up in the 'Nocturnale Project' versions of them, for Roman Sundays; Gregofacsimil for the remainder. 

Respond length (lines)

De Psalmiis

Sunday Roman

De psalmiis

weekday

Monastic’

Sunday

Kings

Hartker

Kings additional

1 - 2

-

1

 

-

 

2 – 2.9

2

7

 

2

 

3 – 3.9

2

7

1

-

3

4-4.9

3

3

1

3

1

5 -5.5

-

-

 

2

 

It shows that the Sunday psalm responsories used in the Roman Office (as well as the additional responsories used in the monastic Office or listed in the monastic Hartker MSSS are generally around the same length range as the Kings ones, though the Kings set has two longer responsories.  The weekday set are generally shorter, but not systematically so.

On the face of it, then, the psalm based responsories and the Kings set were probably composed at the same time, not one much earlier than the other. 

The eighth century layer and Ordo XVI

Maiani did, however, identify what look like a number of later compositions that seem likely to have been added to fill in gaps created by the extra time allocated to the reading of some books in the reading cycle employed from (at least) the eighth century onwards.  

There is another side of this coin though: I want to suggest that it is also possible to find traces of the contraction of the amount of time allocated to some books of the Bible in Ordo XIV compared to the later pattern, and of a less 'properised' set of responsories.

Kings-Chronicles

Consider, for example, the Kings/Chronicles cycle after Pentecost in the post-Trent books.  

The 'core' group in the post-Trent Roman Office (unlike the Benedictine) does not include any responsories using texts from Kings/Chronicles.  

Instead, three additional responsories, two based on Chronicles texts, are added on weekday days from the Fourth Sunday after Pentecost onwards. 

There are several more Chronicles responsories preserved in early manuscripts, presumably remnants of a more extended cycle from the time that the reading of Kings/Chronicles extended up to mid-October.

Lent

Similarly, Amalarius' introduction to his antiphoner describes his struggle to try and 'properise' the responsories for Septuagesima and Lent, a process that eventually led to the cycle based around the Genesis Patriarchs we still use.  

But the early manuscripts also preserve a considerable number of responsories relating to the other six historical books originally read at this time: in the surviving manuscripts, they appear in other contexts, such as Commons and for particular feasts.

More work would need to be done on their musicological features to verify this, but it is at least plausible, it seems to me, that they had their origins in the lectio continuo of Genesis to Judges envisaged in Ordos XIV and XVI, but were then displaced by later properization associated with the new reading cycle. 

The creation of Epiphanytide and Advent

One important example of the possible redeployment of surplus responsories may have occurred for the period of the year that most concerns us, namely after Epiphany.

In Ordo XIV and XVI, three books were read in the time between Epiphany and pre-Lent: Job, Ezekiel and the Minor Prophets.  In the later schema all of these were moved to other times of the year: Job to September; and Ezekiel and the Minor Prophets to November.  

Although the minor prophets feature in the later 'Prophets' historia set though, and Job has its own full set, there are no Ezekiel responsories at all in November.

So is this perhaps an example of where the de psalmiis responsories were originally used?

In fact though, there are at least a full set of responsories based on texts from Ezekiel, but in the modern Office, they turn up in other contexts, such as the feasts (and Commons) of Evangelists, Advent, and Lent.

The problem, it would seem, is that there simply wasn't enough space in November because it also had to accommodate seasonal responsories for the new five week Advent that was put in place in the early eighth century.

The epistles?

All of this suggests that although there was a great deal of fluidity in the responsory cycle as it developed over time, there is no obvious place for or evidence of the use of the de psalmiis responsories as an invariable ferial set in the six and seventh centuries.

There is one other possibility I want to explore though, namely that they were indeed used throughout the year, in the context of the third Nocturn reading of the Pauline epistles.

But more on this anon.

Wednesday, February 19, 2025

Responsory Excursus: The Ordines Romani and the Benedictines in Rome



Continuing today, my series on the psalm-based responsories, one of the intriguing, and potentially illuminating, dimensions of the psalm-based responsories is their use in other contexts than Epiphanytide.

To explore these other uses of the psalm responsories, and to put the Epiphanytide set in their proper context, it is helpful to look at the evidence around responsories and the Matins reading cycle more generally for seventh to eighth centuries, that is, before the emergence of the earliest surviving antiphoners.

It turns out, though, that this value of this evidence is highly contested, so today, a little excursus, looking at some of the questions around the Ordines Romani, a collection of instructions and descriptions of Roman preserved in various Frankish manuscripts dating from the eighth century, focusing particularly on Ordos XIV and XVI.

Septuagesimatide and the psalm-based responsories.

Amalarius of Metz, who visited Rome in the first part of the ninth century reported that psalm-responsories - though not necessarily exactly the same set as those used after Epiphany - were also used for feasts without their own propers (a use also noted in Ordo XVI); in Passion and Eastertide; and four times a year before the start of key reading blocks.

There are others as well: some of our Epiphanytide set turn up in Septuagesimatide and Lent in some medieval uses.  

Domine ne in ira tua, the first of the set, for example, was also used in both in Lent and Passiontide at Matins.  

In some uses, Adjutor meus esto, used on Mondays in Epiphanytide, also turns up on Septuagesima Sunday at Lauds or Vespers presumably both because it is unusually short (easily the single shortest responsory of the set), and because of the obvious appropriateness of the text to the season:

R. Adiútor / meus esto, Deus: * Ne derelínquas me.
V. Neque despícias me, Deus, salutáris meus.
R. Ne derelínquas me.
R. O God, be to me a helper. * Do not abandon me.
V. Nor despise me, O God of my salvation.
R. Do not abandon me.

Two Roman reading cycles?

The earliest evidence for these other uses of  psalm-based responsories though, occur in a number of the Ordines Romani, which also provide potentially key information on their place in the Matins reading cycle. (1)

The Ordines Romani (generally labelled as Ordo + number) provide us with two different Matins reading cycles, whose essentials are set out in Ordos XIV and XVI on the one hand, and that given in Ordo XIIIa (evidence for which starts in the eighth century).

There are a number of key questions around them.  First, do any of these Ordines genuinely attest to Roman practice in the seventh and eighth centuries at all, or, as one author has suggested, are they all just much later attempts by the Franks to resolve problems and develop a coherent approach to the liturgy based on the limited information they had of Roman practice? (2)

And if they do attest to Roman practice, does the pattern set out in Ordo XIV/XVI represent the earliest pattern of readings employed in Rome which was then superseded by a reform of the reading cycle in the eighth century, or did the two co-exist for some period until the Benedictines adopted the Roman pattern at some point (and if so, when and why)?

The Benedictine flavour of Ordo XIV?

The first of the two reading plans is set out in Ordo XIV, deals only with the ferial cycle, and differs significantly from that found in all of the surviving antiphoners: feasts (such as Pentecost) are only mentioned when they are the change points for the books to be read. 

The books it specifies are to be read each month are mostly from the Old Testament, save for during Eastertide when Acts, the Catholic Epistles and Apocalypse are read.  

There is a reasonably strong consensus that Ordo XIV probably dates from the seventh century and genuinely represents Roman - or at least the practice of St Peter's - for the later part of the sixth century. (3)  

In particular, it starts from Quinquagesima Sunday, thus probably dating it from after (at least) 530 or so, and starts Advent at the beginning of December. (4) Its cycle has been argued to be consistent with an early homiliary collection for St Peter's thought to have originated in the late sixth century, though this claim, at least as far as the ferial cycle goes, looks to me to be fairly tenuous. (5)

Ordo XIV does not explicitly mention the Benedictine Rule: instead it is described as being for St Peter's.  But it is consistent with it.

The Rule doesn't mention a pre-Lent period, perhaps pointing to an earlier dating for it than currently fashionable, but it doesn't lay out a Matins reading schema either.

It does, however specify that the Third Nocturn of Sundays is to be devoted to the new Testament, and in Ordo XIV, instead of being read after Epiphany, the Pauline Epistles were read throughout the year (the slightly later Ordo XVI confirms that the third nocturn was used for this purpose).

Ordo XIV prescribes the reading of the Gospel throughout the year, as the Rule does.

And where most early Western monastic rules (such as the mid-sixth century Roman region Rule of the Master) varied the number of psalms said at Matins depending on the length of the night (usually according to four seasons), St Benedict instead varies the number of readings, with only short invariable readings on summer weekdays.

Ordo XIV is perfectly adapted to the ebbs and flows of the Benedictine Night Office.  First, Kings and Chronicles are spread over the entire 'summer' (from Pentecost to mid-October), when the Benedictine Office has no weekday readings.  The number of books to be read increases in 'winter' when there are three weekday readings each day, but the number of verses that needed to be said each day in each reading slot (assuming a 'lectio continua' approach) remained (Lent aside) roughly the same over the entire year.

It is possible of course, that a fixed reading pattern was already in place before St Benedict, and he then adopted and adapted it, with Ordo XIV simply representing the next stage of its development.  Given that fixed reading schemas seem only to have started to develop in the West in the sixth century though, it seems more likely though, that St Peter's simply adopted and adapted the Benedictine schema, along with the Rule itself.    

The festal cycle and Ordo XVI 

Ordo XIV, though, is, in the end, simply a list of the books to be read at Matins, with indications on when they are to be read: it doesn't mention responsories to go along with these at all, leading some to suggest that they are a much later addition, particularly when it comes to the festal cycle.

And on this issue, Ordo XVI is important firstly because it provides an identical ferial reading cycle but also explicitly refers to various sets of responsories to go with them, as well as for seasons and major feasts.  Even more importantly, it contains what is probably the first reference to the psalm-based responsories for Rome.

Unfortunately its dating is highly contested, with two alternative dates proposed: second half of the seventh century, or late eighth century.

It is, of course, more than plausible that St Peter's - and Rome generally - already had a worked out festal reading and responsory cycle of some kind for Matins in the sixth century.  We've previously seen that a collection of this kind was compiled in Gaul in the mid-fifth century, and St Benedict's description of festal Matins for his monks (in RB 14) also implies the use of special antiphons, readings, and so presumably responsories, for saints feasts.

Ordo XVI's festal overlay is also consistent with an early homily collection for St Peter's that provides readings for the major feasts of the year, and is thought to have been compiled in the sixth century (though it only survives in much later versions, and has to be reconstructed from them). 

Ordo XVI and the Benedictines in Rome

Although he acknowledged that Ordo XVI's liturgical provisions are generally consistent with other Roman sources for the second half of the seventh century, the original editor of the Ordines, Andrieu, dated it much later, to the second half of the eighth century, largely on the basis of its explicit references to the Benedictine Rule.

In essence, he assumed these references were interpolations from their Frankish compilers since a 1957 study of early Roman monasteries by Guy Ferrari claimed that  there were no Benedictine monasteries in Rome until the tenth century. (6) 

Andrieu's dating though, was challenged almost immediately, with the most popular alternative theory being that it is part of a set of notes referred to by Bede (and preserved in a related set of Ordines) written by 'John the Archcantor', abbot of one of the monasteries attached to St Peter's, who conducted a series of chant workshops in England around 680. (7)

There are good reasons for accepting this earlier dating of Ordo XVI.

As Costamboys and Leyser have pointed out, we are almost entirely reliant on indirect evidence for Roman monasticism in this period, in part due to the use of papyrus that deteriorated quickly, and a rather haphazard (and highly selective) recopying effort, as well as the wholesale destruction of the records drawn on by an earlier generation, during the time of the French occupation of Rome. (8)

Fortunately, as Constant Mews has pointed out, there is an abundance of such indirect evidence for the presence of the Rule in Rome. (9)

This ranges from the many other Ordines which refer to it; to the stream of Romanophiles (such as St Wilfrid of Northumbria) who claimed its adoption as a sign of their romanitas; and the activities of a series of Popes (most notably Pope Vitalian, who excommunicated the relic raiders of Fleury for their theft of the relics of SS Benedict and Scholastica; Gregory II, who ordered the re-establishment of Subiaco, sponsored the reestablishment of Monte Cassino, and appointed St Boniface as a missionary to German regions; and St Zacharius, who sent a copy of the Rule to Monte Cassino, as well as translating the Dialogues into Greek).  

One can debate how 'strictly Benedictine' these Roman monasteries actually were, and how many followed the Rule in some sense - but it is impossible to deny that the Rule was well known in Rome at this time (not least because chapter four of the Rule appears in an early eighth century Roman homily collection) and closely associated with it.

Mews has also clearly demonstrated that the associated set of Ordines of which XVI forms a part were clearly written with an English audience in mind, and with an eye to John the Archcantor's wider diplomatic mission (which included gaining support for Rome's position on the Eastern heresy of the day, monothelitism). (10)

Psalm-based responsories as a 'common' for feasts

I will come back to the Ordines in due course, including those containing the schema that replaced that in Ordos XIV and XVI, but for now I want to bring this little excursus back to our main focus by noting that Brad Maiani has pointed out that Ordo XVI contains a sentence that seems to confirm Amalarius' comment that psalm based responsories were used for feasts without propers, or without a sufficient number of propers, in the period before the emergence of the 'Commons' is documented. (11)

This is important because it suggests that rather than constituting a default ferial set, some or all of them may have been part of a default festal set.

And it also suggests that to understand the psalm-based responsories, we need to look beyond the numbers of the psalms they are selected from and there order, to their actual content.

More soon.


Notes

(1)  The Ordines are a series of short descriptions of the liturgy that survive only in non-Roman manuscripts.  The critical edition of them is Michel Andrieu, Les Ordines Romani du Haut Moyen Age, Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense 11, 23, 24, 28, 39. Louvain, 1931 – 1961.  

(2) Arthur Westwall, Roman Liturgy and Frankish Creativity: The Early Medieval Manuscripts of the Ordines Romani, Cambridge University Press, 2024.

(3) Though some claim to detect Gallican elements even in this - one claim, for example is that the reason the list begins before Lent because this aligns with the Gallican new year; the more obvious explanation is surely that a list of books of the Bible to be read most naturally starts with Genesis!  Moreover, the Matins reading cycle in both its versions has always had something of a history-chronological dimension to it, something accentuated in the later version of it, which (loosely speaking) starts at Genesis, proceeds through several great Empires, and concludes with the time after the coming of Christ in Epiphanytide.

(4) The introduction of a one week pre-Lent period to Rome (it seems to have been in place in the East rather earlier) probably dates from the early sixth century, as it doesn't seem to have been known under Pope Leo the Great, but was claimed by a version of the Liber Pontificalis dating from around 520 to have been put in place since time immemorial.  The cycle was pushed back a further week to Sexagesima around the mid-sixth century, and Septuagesima was probably put in place by Pope Gregory I.  That is not to say that the current practice of starting Genesis on Septuagesima Sunday was necessarily in place until rather later though, as the meaning and practices associated with the pre-Lent period (such as the ban on the use of the alleluia, abstinence and fasting customs and so forth) clearly developed over time.

(5) On the homily collection, Chavasse argues that the homily collection aligns with Ordo XIV largely on the (fairly tenuous in my view) basis of similar descriptions of the pre-Lent period in both: Antoine Chevasse, ‘Le SermonnaireVatican du VII siècle’, Sacris Erudiri xxiii, 1978-9, pp 225-89. Réginald Grégoire, Les Homelaires Du Moyen Age: Inventaire et Analyse Des Manuscrits. Editor Herder, 264 pp. 1966 follows Grégoire on this, but adds that some manuscripts include indications of ferial readings consistent with Ordo XIV.  Given that his catalogue is a reconstruction of the collection from a version of it copied in the eighth century manuscript though (whose validity is contested) it is more plausible that the reading plan is actually guided by Ordo XVI given its festal overlay.   

(6) Guy Ferrari, Early Roman Monasteries Notes for the history of the monasteries and convents at Rome from the V through the X century, Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, Vatican, 1957.

(7) C Silva-Tarouca, Giovanni 'archicantor' di S Piero a Roma e 'l's Ordo' romanus da lui composto (anno 680), Alli della Pontificio Academia rom. di archeologica, Memorie, vol 1, Parte 1, Rome, 1923, pp150-219. The most recent statement of the case for their seventh century Roman credentials, and review of the earlier debate, is by Constant J. Mews (2011) Gregory the Great, the Rule of Benedict and Roman liturgy: the evolution of a legend, Journal of Medieval History, 37:2, 125-144,

(8) Mario Costamboys and Conrad Leyser, To be the neighbour of St Stephen: patronage, martyr cult, and Roman monasteries, c. 600-900, in Kate Cooper and Julia Hillner (eds) ,Religion, dynasty and patronage in early Christian Rome, 300-900, Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp262-287.

(9) Constant J. Mews, Gregory the Great, the Rule of Benedict and Roman liturgy: the evolution of a legend, Journal of Medieval History, 37:2, 2011, 125-144.

(10)  One of the other main claims relating to Ordo XVI (and the other related Ordos) is that in places it reflects Gallic or Celtic customs rather than Roman, and doesn't always strictly follow the Rule.  But the question of just which liturgical practices were and weren't used in Italy has repeatedly proved difficult to establish given the scarcity of evidence one way or another, as the exchanges between Dom Adalbert de Vogue and Marilyn Dunn on the Rule of the Master long ago proved.  And it is also clear that the Rule was not (probably ever) followed exactly to the letter: liturgy develops, even with a clear referent point.

(11)  Brad Maiani, ‘Readings and Responsories: the Eighth Century Night Office Lectionary and the Responsoria Prolixa’, JM, xvi (1998), 253–82.  The sentence in question is 'Reliquo tempore in anni circoli praeter quod memoravimus ipsis psalmis responsuria nende' (53). It can only refer to feasts since all other periods of the year are covered by other specifications.

Friday, February 7, 2025

The responspories in their historical context







In my last post on the responsories, I highlighted their monastic context.  

Today I want to dig a little into what we know of the early history of the genre. 

Three revolutions?

The liturgists' theory essentially goes like this: the Great Responsories originally developed in Rome when responsorial chant switched to antiphonal in the second part of the fifth century. (1)

Much of the case for this depends on the fact that the same term was used for them as for the refrains sung by the people (and/or monastic choir) while the psalm verses themselves were sung by a soloist.

These refrains were then moved to the Office where, rather curiously, they became chants sung by a soloist (with the verses sung by the choir), thus reversing their original performance method.

And in this context, they were intended to serve as meditations on the psalms of the day, yet not placed not after the relevant psalm, but after the readings of the day.

This invariable set, then, it is claimed, was gradually displaced by the 'historia' (sets associated with books of the Bible), seasonal and festal sets of responsories, but continued to be used at some times of the year in their ancient order, and were finally adopted by the Benedictines in the eighth or ninth centuries.

Roman origins?

The problem is, firstly, that it is not at all clear that responsories originated in Rome.

Although the first references to responsories appear in the fifth and sixth centuries, as with all of the chant repertoire, they were transmitted orally for several centuries: while earlier texts identifying incipits, or occasionally full texts,  notation was not developed in the West until the ninth century, and the earliest surviving manuscripts with neumes date from the end of the tenth century.

Within this surviving repertoire though, musicologists have been able to identify several distinct 'dialects' - such as Ambrosian Chant, Beneventan, old Hispanic and Gallic - all of which seem at least as old as the Roman repertoire.  

Consider, for example one of the responsories for Fridays, Misericordia tua Domine.  The words of the text are set out below, and you can listen to a polyphonic setting of it above.

R. Misericórdia / tua, Dómine, magna est super me: * Et liberásti ánimam meam ex inférno inferióri.
V. In die tribulatiónis meæ clamávi ad te, † quia exaudísti me.
R. Et liberásti ánimam meam ex inférno inferióri.
R. Great, O Lord, is thy mercy toward me. * And Thou hast delivered my soul from the lowest hell.
V. In the day of my trouble I called upon thee, for Thou hast heard me.
R. And Thou hast delivered my soul from the lowest hell.

The text is from Psalm 85, and has some particular appropriateness to Fridays, when we recall Christ's Passion.  

It is notable, though, that the verse it uses in the breviary has clearly been adapted from the Gallican, not the Romanum one would expect if this was ancient (the respond text is identical in both versions).

In fact the verse used in the post-Trent breviaries was not the one most commonly associated with in earlier manuscripts, but the more common verse too, most often (though not invariably) appears in the Gallican version:  Deus iniqui insurrexerunt in me et fortes quaesierunt animam meam (O God, the wicked are risen up against me, and the mighty have sought my soul).

Thus, the question arises, did this chant originate in Gaul rather than Rome, but move into the Roman repertoire at some point, or was it a case of the reverse, since verse chants in particular are reasonably adaptable (since they are sung to more elaborate than usual, or or less fixed-by-mode, psalm tones)?

The weekday set as an eighth century addition?

Dom Le Roux's 1963 study of the psalm based responsories actually proposed that only (some of) the Sunday set were part of the original psalm based responsories, largely on the basis of the use of Gallican texts in places in the set, with the weekday set added to it in the eighth century.  

His suggestion that the week day set were selected and arranged in the eighth century has a lot to recommend itself: it helps explain the alignment of the chants with the Roman psalm cursus as we know it, as well, I think, of pointing towards an explanation for one of the more problematic aspects of the de psalmiis responsories, namely the sheer number of them.

As I noted in the last post, though, recent studies suggest the story is more complex, and text alone cannot be used to assign responsories to a particular chronological layer.

Instead of existing entirely independently of each other, or developing after the Roman, these studies suggest that there was quite a lot of exchange between the 'dialects' of chant.

Several individual responsories were clearly adapted into other 'dialects', with minor changes to texts and/or chants, generally to fill gaps created by the adoption of new feasts or the development of seasons.  

And while it is difficult in most cases to know which direction the exchanges took, there is some evidence that suggests exchanges into Rome happened as early as the sixth century. (2)

The evolution of the responsories

Indeed, although Isidore of Seville ascribed their invention to 'the Italians', the earliest (probable) reference to the responsories is not from Rome, but in the form of a report that a mid-fifth century bishop of Marseille commissioned the compilation of fixed responsories texts not for ferial use, but appropriate to feasts and seasons.  

Gennadius of Mareilles' description of this Office and Mass compilation also suggests that the actual evolution of responsories occurred in a far more logical manner.

Rather than being transferred from one genre to another, he implies that the first stage of their development was that at first the selection of suitable texts from the books of the Bible being read (and creation of chants for them) was left up to individual monasteries and churches, possibly with some improvision involved:

Musaeus, presbyter of the church at Marseilles, a man learned in Divine Scriptures and most accurate in their interpretation, as well as master of an excellent scholastic style, on the request of Saint Venerius the bishop, selected from Holy Scriptures passages suited to the various feast days of the year, also passages from the Psalms for responses suited to the season, and the passages for reading. 

The readers in the church found this work of the greatest value, in that it saved them trouble and anxiety in the selection of passages, and was useful for the instruction of the people as well as for the dignity of the service.

He also addressed to Saint Eustathius the bishop, successor to the above mentioned man of God, an excellent and sizable volume, a Sacramentary, divided into various sections, according to the various offices and seasons, readings and psalms, both for reading and chanting, but also filled throughout with petitions to the Lord, and thanksgiving for his benefits. (3)

This storyline fits rather better with Isidore of Seville's discussion of them, which similarly makes no connection at all to responsorial psalmody:

Responsories were discovered by the Italians a long time ago.  They are called by this name because the choir responds to the one singing in the manner of an echo.  Formerly, however, there was only one singer.  Now sometimes one, sometimes two or three sing together, the choir responding in many voices." (4)

Expansion of the repertory

Gennadius' account suggests that outside of Rome at least, by the mid-fifth century what was being developed was not a fixed set of ferial responsories, but a much wider repertory of responses suitable for feasts and seasons.

The existence of such an extended set fits well with the various references St Benedict's time makes to the readings and 'their' responsories in his Rule.

Moreover, although attempts have been made to downplay the importance of this wording, not long after St Benedict, the Italian 'Rule of Paul and Stephen' firmly instructed the monks to stick to the prescribed texts and chants of the responsories without any improvising.  This same sixth century Rule, moreover, actually quotes from the text of one of the Kings responsories.

And Maloy et al have argued that one of the earliest identifiable responsory exchanges into Rome may have occurred towards the end of the sixth century, when Rome rather belatedly adopted Advent as a season and needed responsories to reflect the new themes of it.

Notes

(1) Versions of this storyline can be found in the work of Callaewaert and others, but the most comprehsnive statement of the claims is in R. Le Roux: ‘Etude de l’office dominical et férial: les répons “de psalmis” pour les matines de l’Epiphanie à la Septuagésime selon les cursus romain et monastique’, EG, vi (1963), 39–148.

(2) Rebecca Maloy, Mason Brown, Benjamin Pongtep Cefkin, Ruth Opara, Megan Quilliam and Melanie Shaffer, Revisiting ‘Toledo, Rome, and the Legacy of Gaul’: new evidence from the Divine Office, Plainsong and Medieval Music, 31, 1, 2022, 1-35.

(3) Gennadius, Lives of Illustrious Men, chapter 80.

(4) Isidore of Seville, De Ecclesiasticus Officiis, Thomas Knoebel (trans), The Newman Press, NY, 2008, I: 8.

Wednesday, February 5, 2025

Monks, Matins and the responsories


Apologies for my slowness in continuing this series on the responsories, but my hopes my health was improving proved unfounded!

Nevertheless, here is the next post in the series, though I should flag that it is mostly by way of context for the debate, and somewhat controversial in content.

In order to re-examine what the de psalmiis responsories represent, we need I think, to also reassess some of the standard assumptions about the early Roman Office, and about the responsories themselves.

And the question I want to examine first is, can we really be sure that the psalm based responsories represent the oldest layer of them?

A starting point for this question goes to the monastic nature of Matins (aka Vigils or Nocturns).

Monks and the Office

One of the earliest descriptions we have of Matins we have comes from the fourth century pilgrim Egeria’s visit to Jerusalem, where she observed the weekly Sunday vigil where the bishop, clergy and people appeared for the public offices of Vespers and Lauds, but left the monks and nuns to kept Vigil through the night.  

This seems to have been the common pattern: monks prayed through the night so that the clergy and laity could sleep, protected from the attacks of the demons of the night by their prayers.(1)

That is not to say that the people didn't attend Matins at least some of the time.  

We know from St Jerome that Vigils (that presumably included the Office in some form) for the feasts of saints, held at the site of their relics, were popular with the people.  

Similarly, the early stational liturgies for major feasts such as Christmas, Easter, and Lent almost certainly included Vigils with psalms).  But we have little if any information on the content of these liturgies until the seventh century.

It is likely, too, that some form of prayer in the night may have been said privately at home by the clergy and devout laity, but we have no evidence that there was any obligation to do so, and no information at all about the content of any such prayers.

Instead, virtually all of the information we have about early forms of Matins relates to monastic versions of it, such as Cassian's description of the twelve psalm Sunday Matins said by the hermits of Northern Egypt in the early fifth century; the 12 to 18 psalm Night Office used by the monastery associated with St Augustine from around the same time; and the very much longer Vigils employed in Gaul, Burgundy and Provence in the early sixth century.

Clerical obligation to celebrate the Night Office

Around St Benedict's time though, in the early sixth century, a new trend started, broadening the obligation to attend Vigils.

For the clergy, records have survived of two monk-bishops, Ss Fulgentius (North Africa) and Caesarius (Provence) requiring their clergy to attend (monastic) Matins.  

And in the Eastern Empire, Justinian passed legislation in 528 mandating that priests say the 'nocturnal, morning and vespers prayers'.

The same trend also seems to have penetrated Rome, as the mid-sixth century Liber Diurnis includes a promise formula for bishops, the Cautio Episcopi, requiring them and their clergy to celebrate Matins in Church.  Indeed, there is a typically oblique reference that may be to this new obligation in the Liber Pontificalis: Pope Hormisdas (514 - 523) is said to have 'taught the clergy the psalms'. 

Just how successful these attempts to impose the Night Office on priests was is another matter: there is evidence from the sixth century of priests refusing to do it.

Moreover the Liber Pontificalis for the seventh and eighth centuries repeatedly makes it clear that the Office, and most especially Vigils, continued to be regarded as the domain of monks, not clerics.  There are several entries detailing agreements that monks would say the Office in various basilicas. There are numerous records of monasteries attached to the basilicas and tituli churches of Rome being established or restored for exactly this purpose. There is a complaint from the people that 'the monks' were singing twelve psalms at Matins rather than the customary three during the Easter and Pentecost octaves. When new feasts or chapels were established, vigils for their feasts were specifically entrusted to monks, while priests were to say Mass for the relevant feast.  

And when, in the eighth century, Pope Stephen II (752 - 757) attempted to stamp out the practice of anticipating Matins the afternoon or evening before, part of his solution to the problem was to add an extra monastery to St Peter's in order to have a sufficient number of monks to manage the task.

It is not until the Carolingian regulations in the ninth century (and probably not by coincidence, the invention of notation for chant, so that performance of it did not rely entirely on memory), that evidence for a broader practice can be found.

A secular Office?

All the same, if we assume an attempt was made to impose the Night Office on clerics, and at least some did it, did they simply say the monastic Office of Rome (assuming there was such as thing), or some newly devised secular form? 

Learning and chanting the monastic Night Office, though, would surely have been a mammoth task, especially if, as the liturgists claim, the day hours were largely fixed already by this time).

One possibility is that the clergy were only required to say a fairly abbreviated version of the hour, and the description of what was required in the Cautio Episcopi can be read as consistent with this (but see the appendix below), but that then begs the question of how the Roman secular Office as we know it, with its eighteen psalm Sunday Vigil and twelve psalms a day norm, emerged (presumably the reason the liturgists have generally ignored it).

Either way, it is reasonable to assume, I think, that abbreviated or otherwise, clerics drew on the existing Office chant repertoire rather than inventing their own.

Implications for the responsories

And this is important because when the liturgists first focused on this de psalmiis set of responsories, their assumption was that the psalms would represent the oldest chronological layer of the Office.  

It is a plausible enough assumption on the face of it: in the Mass, psalm based propers (introits, communios etc) certainly do appear to be the oldest layer of the liturgy.

The Office chants, though, most particularly for the Night Office, almost certainly developed primarily in a monastic environment, while Mass chants developed in a clerical one, and that means that although they share some characteristics, they also have some differences.

In particular, monks seem to have been rather more adventurous in the texts they drew on: where Roman clerics, probably in the early sixth century, drew up lists of non-Scriptural materials that was absolutely not to be read in Church; St Benedict, by contrast, included Patristic commentaries in the readings for Matins.

And where the Roman (and some other regions) church resisted the use of hymns, monks employed them in the Office (indeed the current Vespers hymns have long been attributed to the great monasticizing pope, St Gregory I).  

Unsurprisingly, then, musicological analysis, has found that when it comes to the Office, neither text alone or analysis of the music alone is sufficient to decide the relative age of a responsory. (2)

In particular, whether the text is psalm-based, other Scriptural or non-Scriptural cannot be used to allocate responsories to particular chronological layers of the Office.

And when it comes to the chants themselves, the de psalmiis responsories are musically indistinguishable from the other early sets of responsories, such as those for the Book of Kings.

More on this here.

But first, enjoy the recording of Afflicti Pro Peccatis (above), one of the non-Scriptural responsories sung between Epiphany and Septuagesima, since Trent preserved only in the monastic Office.

Notes

(1) See Laurent Ripart, La veille monastique dans l’Antiquité tardive: de l’ascétisme à la pratique liturgique, in Bernard Andenmatten, Karine Crousaz and Agostino Paravicini Bagliani (eds), Le sommeil Théories, représentations et pratiques (Moyen Âge et époque moderne), Edizione Del Galluzzo, 2024, pp 27 -50, for a useful recent survey of the monasticisation of the night Office, and the forms of it.

(2) See in particular Katherine Eve Helson, The Great Responsories of the Divine Office: aspects of structure and transmission. PhD, Universität Regensburg, 2008 and Brad Maiani, Readings and Responsories: The Eighth-Century Night Office Lectionary and the Responsoria Prolixa, The Journal of Musicology, Vol. 16, No. 2 (Spring, 1998), pp. 254-282.

Appendix: The Cautio Episcopi Office

The version of Matins described in the Liber Diurnis has generally been either ignored by the liturgists, or  explained away as a purely hypothetical text.

That is possible, but, as others have pointed out, unlikely given that the introduction of a requirement for the clergy to attend Matins around this time can be found in other sources as well, not least in references to priests resisting it! 

Another possibility worth considering though, is that the text itself has been misinterpreted.

The text essentially prescribes that during summer, matins has 'three readings, three antiphons and three responsories' on weekdays, in winter four of each, and on Sundays 'nine readings with antiphons and responsories'.

It is generally assumed that antiphon here means psalms sung antiphonally, while responsories either means responsorial psalms or (more likely) the Great Responsories.

But there is another option, since the term 'antiphon' in other early forms of the Office could also mean a group of, usually three, psalms.

If interpreted this way, the Cautio Office prescribed looks rather more like the Roman Office as we know it, with either 9 or 12 psalms on weekdays depending on the season, and 18 on Sundays.